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Tuesday, September 24, 2013

Spilling the NSA’s Secrets: Guardian Editor Alan Rusbridger on the Inside Story of Snowden Leaks 

Democracy Now
Sept 23, 2013



Three-and-a-half months after National Security Agency leaker Edward Snowden came public on the the U.S. government’s massive spying operations at home and abroad, we spend the hour with Alan Rusbridger, editor-in-chief of The Guardian, the British newspaper that first reported on Snowden’s leaked documents. The Guardian has continued releasing a series of exposés based on Snowden’s leaks coloring in the details on how the NSA has managed to collect telephone records in bulk and information on nearly everything a user does on the Internet.

The articles have ignited widespread debate about security agencies’ covert activities, digital data protection and the nature of investigative journalism. The newspaper has been directly targeted as a result — over the summer the British government forced the paper to destroy computer hard drives containing copies of Snowden’s secret files, and later detained David Miranda, the partner of Guardian journalist Glenn Greenwald. Rusbridger, editor of The Guardian for nearly two decades, joins us to tell the inside story of The Guardian’s publication of the NSA leaks and the crackdown it has faced from its own government as a result.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Today, in a Democracy Now! special, we spend the hour with Alan Rusbridger, Editor in Chief with the Guardian Newspaper. Three and a half months ago, on June 5th, The Guardian revealed the National Security Agency is collecting collecting the telephone records of millions of customers of Verizon under a secret court order. The following day, the paper revealed the existence of a secret program called PRISM that gave the NSA direct access to the systems of Google, Facebook, Apple and other U.S. internet giants. Four days later, The Guardian revealed the source behind the leaks was a National Security Agency contractor named Edward Snowden.

EDWARD SNOWDEN: Any analyst at any time can target anyone at any select or anywhere. Where those communications will be picked up depends on the range of the sensor networks and the authorities that that analyst is empowered with. Not all analysts have the power to target everything. But, I sitting behind my desk, certainly had the authorities to wiretap anyone, from you, or your accountant, to a federal judge, to even the president, if I had a personal e-mail.

AMY GOODMAN: Since early June, The Guardian has continued to publish a remarkable series of exposés based on Edward Snowden’s leaks, coloring in the details on how the NSAhas managed to collect nearly everything a user does on the internet. The articles have ignited an international debate about the NSA’s activities, digital data protection and the nature of investigative journalism, and the paper has been directly targeted as a result.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: in August, David Miranda, partner of Guardian reporter, Glenn Greenwald, was detained and questioned at Heathrow Airport under Schedule 7 of Britain’s Terrorism Act. Miranda was detained for nine hours and only released after British authorities seized his mobile phone, laptop, cell phone and USB thumb drives. Soon after Miranda’s detention, The Guardian revealed the British Government threatened legal action against the newspaper unless it destroyed computer computer drives containing copies of Edward Snowden’s classified documents or handed them to British authorities.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, for more we are joined, now, by The Guardian Editor in Chief, Alan Rusbridger. He’s been editor of the newspaper since 1995. Alan Rusbridger, welcome to Democracy Now!.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: I’m very happy to be here.

AMY GOODMAN: Did you have trouble coming into the United States?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: No, I sort — came through very easily.

AMY GOODMAN: How about the rest of your staff?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: There have been moments when they have been fairly comprehensively frisked, either leaving or coming in. Glenn Greenwald, who’s been doing most of the reporting, is not risking moving around at the moment, which is probably sensible.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you think he would be arrested if he came back to the U.S., Glenn, as an American citizen?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: I hope he wouldn’t be. One of the things that I’ve tried to make a point of, is that we’ve moved our reporting to America because I think America’s rules around press freedom, First Amendment, and so forth should protect this kind of reporting. So, I very much hope, with the eyes of the world on America, that somebody who has done the reporting that has got this matter into public debate, wouldn’t be punished for it, or criminalized.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Could you take us back to the beginning of this worldwide exposé that you’ve been in the forefront of, your paper has been? How the story first came to you and your decision to begin to print it so soon after you received the initial information?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, I think it’s quite an interesting story about the old world and the new world, so there’s the fourth estate newspapers, there’s the fifth estate bloggers, and this is a union of the two. We hired Glenn Greenwald, who is a blogger, and who has written knowledgeably, and, some people might, say obsessively about the subject over the last few years. In Hawaii, a 29-year-old NSA analyst was clearly reading Greenwald and was so troubled by what he was doing in his work that he wanted to find somebody knowledgeable to give this material to. So, he came to Glenn, Glenn, by now, was working for The Guardian, and that is how it all kicked off.

AMY GOODMAN: Talk about how exactly that happened. You have Edward Snowden who flies to Hong Kong, and then take it from there, with your columnist Glenn Greenwald, Laura Poitras, the filmmaker, also another of your reporters who went to Hong Kong to meet Edward Snowden.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Yeah, there was about two weeks when they were all essentially closeted in the same hotel room. It was a rather unreal period for anyone who has watched a Hollywood movie about these kinds of things; agents on the run, stashes of secrets. But, they worked together and it was important for me that there was a Guardian reporter, a conventional reporter, in the room along with Glenn and Laura.

AMY GOODMAN: That was Ewen MacAskill?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: That was Ewen MacAskill, who is a Scottish reporter who’s been on the The Guardian for years and years and years. Very experienced, not easily impressed reporter. Between them, they started to go through this stash of material that Greenwald had — that, that Snowden had with him. And we obviously had to establish Snowden was who he said he was and that the material was what he said it was. At the end of about two weeks, we started to publish material based on it.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And did the decision about what to publish first, and given the fact that it has been string of continuing revelations that have come out and — how, how was that decided on?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, to begin with, we needed some help from Snowden to point us to what he thought was important. This is not a world that is easily — these are not documents in which the stories sit up and show themselves. This is a complex world. A lot is written in acronyms, if not in actually code, and so we had to be guided to, initially, to some of the stories that Snowden felt were most newsworthy. And it was important for him, I think, that the world had some sense of what he was trying to say before he outed himself, and so, we started doing stories about this intersection between Silicon Valley, telecom companies, and the intelligence agencies. What is, I think, something new, is putting entire populations under a form of surveillance. So, that is what we did in that first week before Snowden came out and revealed himself to be the whistleblower.

AMY GOODMAN: Edward Snowden, himself, had signed up for Special Forces in the United States., broke both of his legs in a training accident and then left. How did you confirm his credibility on all of this, who he was?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, they all spoke to him for a long time, and that is where having my Scottish Presbyterian reporter in the room was important for me. I wanted him to make — to form a judgment about character. I mean, we obviously did all the tests of who he was, and that all stacked up. He obviously was who he said he was.

AMY GOODMAN: Worked for Booz Allen, was a subcontractor for the NSA.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: All that, yeah, and had worked for the CIA. And Ewin, just talking to him for hours, I mean, he rang me up and said I think he is exactly who he says he is. He is not somebody who is in this for the personal publicity. He is rather shy. He’s not going to develop a big media profile. He has got these documents and he is giving them to a news organization hoping that after this first week we will use our judgment about what we consider significant.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And I know that you had numerous conversations with, certainly with British intelligence, subsequently, but before the first articles came out, was there any contact with American intelligence or British intelligence on your parts warned them of what was coming?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, the first four stories were all NSA rather than GCHQ and they were edited out of New York, and we were in touch with the agencies via the White House, and we warned them of what we were going to publish, and we had sometimes helpful dialogue, sometimes robust dialogue about what we were going to do, but it was important for me that we gave them the chance to respond and to make plain any concerns that they had about any particular thing.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And was there any particular effort on their part to dissuade you from publication?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Yeah, they were, they were, they told us why they though we shouldn’t publish some things. There were one or two things that were helpful, because we didn’t want to go into this behaving irresponsibly or to puts agent at danger or operations. So, I think it was important to have those conversations.

AMY GOODMAN: Edward Snowden also made that a requirement, isn’t that true? That people not be exposed.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Yes, yes, no, he said, look, you will have to form your own judgment, but I would like you to behave responsibly, and as you say not expose agents or ongoing sensitive operations, for instance, in Afghanistan or Iraq.

AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking with Alan Rusbridger, go to break and we’ll be back with him for the hour. He is the Editor in Chief of The Guardian for almost two decades, also author of a new book on playing the piano and his work at The Guardian, it’s called, "Play it Again: An Amateur Against the Impossible."

AMY GOODMAN: Our guest is Alan Rusbridger of The Guardian newspaper, for almost two decades. Can you talk about when the British Government called you and said they wanted your hard drives, they wanted this information.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: We had two big conversations with the government, one at the end of June, and one about halfway through July. And it became obvious to me that their tone was heartening. I think they felt this story was out of their control. There came a point where they directly threatened legal action. Now, in the U.K., the government can move and stop publication. I don’t think that is possible since the Pentagon Papers in the U.S. And there came a point where it was obvious we only had two options. One was to return the material and the other was to destroy it. It didn’t actually matter much to me because the material was already in America, and I have already shared some of it with The New York Times so it was going to make no difference to the reporting, but I what I did not want to do was to get into a big legal action which cold potentially have frozen it all.

AMY GOODMAN: And so, what did you allow to happen?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: So, this bizarre thing happened, the most bizarre thing that I think has happened in my journalistic career, which was that two technical people from the GCHQ, which is the Government Communications Headquarters, it’s the equivalent of the NSA, came into The Guardian, and supervised our destruction of the lap-books on which — the laptops on which we’d been working.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: So, you said you wouldn’t give it to them but you would destroy your own hard drive?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: I wouldn’t give it to them because, I mean, I think journalists generally don’t hand material back to governments. But, also there was always the threat hanging in the background of criminal action against The Guardian and I don’t know what these — or against Snowden — and I don’t know what these discs would have told them about who had been looking at this material, and I did not want to give them evidence that could be used against The Guardian. It is difficult in which you have this potential of criminalizing reporters who are informing the debate that everyone says they want to happen. So, I wouldn’t give it back to them, and so the compromise we agreed on was that we would smash it up. And it turns out to be harder to smash up a computer in ways that would satisfy the spooks than perhaps you would imagine.

AMY GOODMAN: How did you do it?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, first of all, you take it apart, you revealed all its guts.

AMY GOODMAN: This is what you’re doing with the GCHQ guys there.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: With the [Unintelligible] saying, Ok, now you take this circuit board there —- I have got a bit of circuit board here. That’s what a MacBook hard drive looks like after the GCHQ have insisted that the holes go there, there and there and there. But, um -—

AMY GOODMAN: You carry this with you?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: I carry it with me as, sort of, a little memento. I think it’s a rather sinister reminder of the intersection of states and journalism. But, it is not just the hard drive. You have to destroy the logic board, there are specific chips on the trackpad, the keyboard. And so, it was very long, dusty, rather noisy work to smash up all these computers.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: But, obviously, there were other copies of the same information in other countries. I wonder if you would comment on this world now where governments have trouble being able to snuff out information in one country because of our international information system now that makes it possible for it to crop up in another country?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, it goes back to a little of what we were saying about earlier, that here was this intersection between the fourth and the fifth estate. So, one of the copies was in Rio, where Glenn Greenwald lives and I would guess that the intelligence agencies find Glenn Greenwald a difficult customer to deal with because he’s not like a big press organization that you can march in and threaten. And as we say, there were companies in New York. But, I think this is, really, two sides of the same coin. What we are talking about is the collaboration of intelligence agencies around the world to snoop on a global intelligence network. So, that is what they are doing. But, that same global network, the internet, is used by all of us to spread information. So, the thing that makes the snooping possible is the thing, also, that makes it so hard for them to get a piece of information and snuff it out.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And I’m wondering also, the — in your own country, what has been the press coverage of the other competing media in your country like, and the reaction among the British population to the revelations of The Guardian about all of this international eavesdropping of the NSA and its allied intelligence agencies?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, it’s a story that, as you know, has sparked an incredible debate in the U.S., it has in throughout Europe, and many other parts of the world. It’s been quite quiet in the U.K., and I am not entirely sure why that is, it may be for unworthy competitive reasons, I hope not. It may just be that in America, you have , in living memory, had McCarthy, you’ve had Nixon, you’ve had Hoover, in Germany they’ve had the Stasi. Maybe in Britain we are a little bit complacent about this kind of stuff. I think actually, people who read these stories and who understand what they are saying are worried, but it has not engendered quite the debate that is has elsewhere.

AMY GOODMAN: Has The Guardian made any deal with the British Government not to publish certain information?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: We’ve made no deals with anybody. I mean, occasionally, we have had conversations where the British Government has said, we would rather you didn’t publish anything, but if you are going to publish, there is this little bit that we would regard as endangering x, y or z. And sometimes we have agreed with that, more often we haven’t.

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to go to David Miranda for a minute. David Miranda, Glenn Greenwald’s partner, who was detained last month by the British Government last month as he was traveling through London’s Heathrow Airport. He was held for nine hours under a British antiterrorism law. He faced repeated interrogation, had his belongings seized, including thumb drives carrying information Glenn used in his reporting on NSAsurveillance. After his release, he appeared on Anderson Cooper’s show on CNN.

ANDERSON COOPER: Did they actually ask you anything about terrorism?

DAVID MIRANDA: No, they didn’t ask me anything about terrorism, not one question about it. And I think it is really weird because I was in there for like eight hours without talking to anybody outside. And like, they were just, like, keeping me. I have to ask them, do I have to answer this? And they just telling me, like, if you don’t answer this you’re going to go to jail. And you know, that’s a big thing, because, like, when they say, like, that I was under this law, this is terrorism law, you know what U.K. and United States do. They have all the powers in the world to do anything they want over this because, I’ve been following Glenn and his career for the past eight years and I haven’t seen many stories that many pick up in different countries, getting to this [Guantanamo] and just, like, staying in prison, and they vanish, nobody seen them. And in that moment, I was like, really afraid of what would happen to me. And I was, you understand, that I was for eight hours without talking to anybody on outside of the world. I didn’t know what’s happening, and they keep threatening me about me going to the jail without law.

AMY GOODMAN: That was Glenn Greenwald’s partner, David Miranda. Speaking to theBBC, British Home Secretary Theresa May defended the government’s actions saying Miranda may have been carrying information useful to terrorists.

THERESA MAY: I think it’s right, given that is the first duty of the government to protect the public, that if the police believe somebody has in their possession highly sensitive, stolen information which could help terrorists, which could lead to a loss of lives, then it is right that the police act and that’s what the law enables to do.

AMY GOODMAN: And the White House acknowledged the British Government had given U.S. a heads up about it’s plan to detain David Miranda, but refused to criticize Britain’s actions. White House Deputy Press Secretary Josh Earnest took questions on the issue in August.

REPORTER: You talked about the Mubarak detention as being an Egyptian legal matter, you talked about Morsi politically motivated detention, and then with regard to Mr. Greenwald’s partner, you called it a mere law enforcement action. Given that the White House has never been shy about criticizing detention policies over seas, do you have any concerns at all about the UK’s law enforcement action in this case?

JOSH EARNEST: Well, what I can say is, I don’t have a specific reaction other than to observe to you that this is a decision that was made by the British Government, and not one that was made at the request or with the involvement of the U.S. Government.

REPORTER: But, you’re not going to go as far as to say it’s wrong or with a cause for concern you’re just separating yourself entirely from it.

JOSH EARNEST: Well, I’m separating — what I’m suggesting is that this was a decision that was made by the British Government without the involvement and not at the request of the United States Government.

AMY GOODMAN: Alan Rusbridger, can you respond to what the U.S. and British Governments said? Also, it was the day after Miranda was taken that you revealed what happened to The Guardian, which was a few weeks after you actually destroyed the hard drives. Why did you choose that — why was that the key moment for you, that you decided you’d reveal what happened to The Guardian’s hard drives?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, I think it’s quite significant in that clip that — we’re talking there about British Government taking the decision, which is not actually what is suppose to happen with that law. This law is an obscure bit of The Terror Act, Section 7, which is supposed to be police acting randomly in ports and airports. And why this was wrong to use this law, is because it accords none of the rights to journalistic material that would have happened if they had picked up David Miranda and arrested him as they could have under other acts, or if they’d taken him into Heathrow car park as oppose to the transit lounge.

So, it was just a misuse of terror legislation against journalism. And that, to me, is wrong. If people are saying that it was the government took that decision, then that was even more wrong. And you are right to say that I’ve been revealed about the smashed up discs. There were logistical reasons at the time why I could not write about that. I waited to see how the British Government was going to play this, but it seemed to me at the point that they were going to misuse those kind of laws against reporting. That was the moment to share what else the government had been doing. I thought it was right that the reader should know.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Alan Rusbridger, I would like to ask you about the Edward Snowden odyssey since the initial revelations in this traveling from Hong Kong and then to Russia, and becoming an international standoff between the United States and Russia over whether he’d be handed back, whether that’s complicated your ability to continue reporting on this at all? Because obviously, the source of your information is now, not as readily — as easily available as he was, as he was in June or July.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, I think he knew, and think he told us that, in leaking this material, he knew that this going to be immensely complicating for his life, to put it mildly. Either he was going to be on the run or was going to end up like Chelsea Manning. Either way, it was going to be difficult to communicate with him. We didn’t know that he was going to end up in Russia. I don’t know if even he knew at that point if he was going to end up in Russia. Glenn is still in contact with him via encrypted e-mails. So, we still have some contact with him. But, it is a complicated story to report. We assume, this may be wrong, but we assume that our communications will be intercepted, because that is part of the story that we are writing about, which is why people have to be on planes occasionally carrying material which then get intercepted by the police. So, it is not an easy story to report.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And the impact that this has had, much like the original WikiLeaks revelations in various countries around the world, in Brazil, obviously, in Europe. Did you expect at the beginning that this would have the ramifications and the explosiveness that it has had in various countries, not just the United States and the U.K.?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, I think, the bit that is sometimes missing from the American debate, the President places great emphasis on the fact that America doesn’t spy on Americans in American territory, as if that was the only thing that mattered. And I thought it was very interesting that Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook said, the other day, well that is no use to us if we are trying to build an international business. So, I think Americans haven’t quite understood the anger of other states, of people living in Germany, you say, that Americans feel free to spy on anybody else in the world, and you just have to, sort of, reverse that and think how would Americans feel if Germans were spying on them, or the Chinese. Well, we know how people feel about the Chinese. And then you get to this further dimension that it appears that what the NSA had done is to weaken the systems under which everything is kept secret; banking transactions, medical transactions of ordinary Americans, but also the rest of the world, by building these so-called trapdoors. Now, if the cryptologists seem to say if you build a trap door that the NSA can get through, then probably the Chinese can too, and criminals. So, that, I think this last story about the weakening of the security of the Internet has international implications which are beginning to be felt.

AMY GOODMAN: Why did you choose to collaborate with The New York Times andProPublica in revealing the National Security Agency as successfully foiling much of the encryption used by people used to protect their privacy?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, we had to find American partners because it was clear that our reporting was going to be made very difficult in the U.K. And actually, if you look around America, you slightly — I mean there are not limitless options of people who could handle a very big story. I mean, it takes up a lot of resources, a lot of technical knowledge, legal backup, and The New York Times is a great paper with that kind of backup, and ProPublica is a really interesting example of a much smaller operation but has got a lot of expertise around these kind of subjects.

AMY GOODMAN: Did you also want to spread the information around in case, somehow, your access to it is jeopardized?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: I think that is prudent and that was one of the reasons we went to both ProPublica and The New York Times. I think the more people that are involved — you don’t want a limitless number of people, have a number of people involved, it makes it much harder just to lean on one.

AMY GOODMAN: I’m just looking at the New York Times Public Editor rebuking her own paper, this is Margaret Sullivan saying many times "readers have been writing to me about a story The Guardian broke last week describing how the U.S. routinely shares with Israel intelligence information that the National Security Agency gathers on American citizens." Can you talk about what you broke and what The New York Times, well dragged its feet on?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, this is another one of those stories that describes the intersections between the American intelligence agencies and what they are paired to share with other governments. So, we obviously thought it was significant to write about what was being shared with Israel, and under what terms, and whether the terms that covered Israel’s use of that was the same as what would be covered in America. That felt a significant story to ask. But, one of the advantages of going into these kind of collaborations is that The New York Times is free to form its own opinion of the material. And so, we’re all coming to these stories from a slightly different angle, which I think is healthy. But, obviously, their own ombudsman felt that was a story they should have covered.

AMY GOODMAN: I mean, raw intelligence is what the U.S. was sharing that The Guardianexposed with Israel right, actual phone calls, not only metadata, but — and then saying to Israeli intelligence, you decide what to do with it?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: That feels to me like a significant story, but I don’t want to criticize the judgements of others.

AMY GOODMAN: Let’s break and then we’ll come back to this discussion. Alan Rusbridger is Editor in Chief of The Guardian for almost two decades. The Guardian has been exposing the NSA story since they broke it in June. We’ll be back with Alan Rusbridger in a moment.

AMY GOODMAN: Chopin Ballade No. 1 in G minor, which plays prominently in our guest’s book and his life, Alan Rusbridger, Editor in Chief of The Guardian has written a book, "Play it Again: An Amateur Against the Impossible." We’re going back to talk about what you’ve exposed, but, you have just come out with this book. Talk about how your piano playing, how your interest in music, and mastering this piece, relates to what you’re doing with The Guardian.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: This is a kind of diary we were working on, WikiLeaks phone hacking, so, it’s a diary of that period, but, but it’s also a book about creativity in midlife. I think that the choices we make about what to do with our time when we are not working, and whether the value of painting, or reading, or writing poetry, or the sources of creativity that lie within us, and I spent 18 months — I went back to playing the piano later in life. I tried playing this extraordinary difficult piece of music, this Chopin ballade. And so, it was an interweaving of this thing I was doing almost to take the stress and pressure of my life out of it, and at the same time, hold down an editing job on a big newspaper. So, I hope it is a book that will encourage those that gave up the piano or always wished they had played the piano, and to pursued them that is time — you can make time in your life to do these things if you think they’re important.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, to get back to some of that pressure that you are talking about, the stories that — I guess no country, other than the United States, has been more — felt the impact of your continuing revelations in The Guardian that has Brazil. Amazing revelations about the NSA spying on an [Unintelligible] of the President Dilma Rousseff, of the Brazilian people extensively. Your sense of how these kinds of revelations are not only affecting world perceptions of the United States, but as you alluded to earlier, the ability of American companies, internet giants and computer giants, to do business overseas. as more and more people say, why should I deal with Yahoo or why should I deal with Google, if the American Government is going to be able to spy on me?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, I mean, I know some people have a weary shrug and they say, well spies spy and, you know, what is new about that, but, I think it is surprising the degree to which apparently friendly nations are eavesdropping each other, at heads of state level, or cabinet level. We did the story about the G20 meeting in London in which the British government set up a kind of phony tent, an internet cafe, in which delegates could go in and do their emails, not knowing that the British Government or the British intelligence service was logging all their email passwords in order to carry on spying on them when they went home. Most of these were friendly allies, and there was no justification for that except the economic well-being of the U.K. So, I think these are troubling revelations; Brazil is another country. I think it gets to be a big, big story for American innovation and business, if the rest of the world comes to associate these companies with forms of surveillance. That is going to damage American companies. And I think the Silicon Valley companies know this and they are worried. And it also applies to the standards — the international standards by which the internet as a whole operates, and this sense that the Internet is, in some sense, American, or that the American should have an overall role in deciding these standards. There is going be a lot of pushback on that in future and all these things. This is a short-term gain in this kind of behavior and a long term loss.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, there has already been some pushback in terms of President Dilma Rousseff threatening to — trying to find a way to get — extricate Brazil from the U.S. — .

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, you can understand it, can’t you. I mean, again, put it the other way around, if we discovered that Brazil was trying to listen to President Obama’s phone calls emails, there would be outrage. So, you can understand why other states just are offended by this kind of behavior.

AMY GOODMAN: Earlier this month, while in Sweden, when President Obama was on his way to the G20, in St. Petersburg, where he faced, you could say, a wall of bricks as in Brazil and India, China, South Africa. Obama said he’s working to reassure foreign allies following the wave of revelations surrounding U.S. spying on other governments.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: The publics in Europe and around the world, that we are not going around snooping at peoples’ emails or listening to their phone calls. What we are try to do is target very specifically areas of concern. We are consulting with the EU in this process, consulting with other countries in this process, and finding out from them what are their areas of specific concern, and trying to align what we do in a way that I think alleviates some of the public concerns that people may have.

AMY GOODMAN: That was President Obama in Sweden. I want to get your response to that, Alan. Also, Glenn Greenwald, your columnist, has a news story out in The Hindu as we’re broadcasting "Among the BRICS group of emerging nations," he writes "India is the number one target of snooping by the [NSA]. In the overall list of countries spied on by NSAprograms, India stands at fifth place, with billions of pieces of information plucked from its telephone and internet networks just in 30 days."

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: I had not read that story yet. On the president’s reaction, I love this reaction of, look, just trust us. We can’t tell you about this, it’s too secret, but you’re going to have to trust us. And by the way, we’ve got the oversight mechanisms.

AMY GOODMAN: And he says the debate would have happened anyway, without Edward Snowden.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Yes, well, the debate never did happen, did it? Because the instinct of these agencies is always going to be to it as secret as possible and to criminalize people who talk about it. So, that debate didn’t happen until Snowden came along. And who is overseeing this and do you trust them? Dianne Feinstein, a great public servant, but does she really understand the finer details of cryptology, and encryption, the capabilities which are expanding exponentially, and can they really match up what the law were intended to do and what engineers are now capable of doing? These are the questions. I think it is not enough just to say, take us on trust we are not doing that, because these secret courts, the FISAcourts, we’re now learning some of the things that were troubling them that they never made public. And so, it is a lot to take on trust.

AMY GOODMAN: You know, Alan Rusbridger, The Guardian has exploded onto the global scene with an exposé of News of the World and their phone hacking that forced Murdoch to close News of the World. Interestingly, it was a story about phone hacking. Can you talk about that progression of The Guardian to exposing the WikiLeaks documents, to what you’re seeing today? The Guardian has just done a remarkable series of exposés.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, The Guardian has always been something of outsider. It started in Manchester in 1820, has been owned by a family trust since 1936, so it has no owner. We make our own editorial decisions. So, we have a high degree of independence. And it seemed that after 2000, a third of our audience was in America, which is why we’ve moved to America. We now have an operation of 55 people in America, and an audience of many millions. About a third of our audience of 42 million is now in America. And I think there is just an appetite for this kind of reporting. it’s quite rare now. We don’t have shareholders saying we want our returns, and cutting budgets. It is a bit like when you’re doing, it’s keeping very much an international focus because, I think, most American citizens realize their lives cannot be understood in a purely national context. There are things to do with security, economics, technology, the environment are stories that can only be told internationally.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, I wanted to read an excerpt from a recent letter sent by the NSAto family members of its employees. The letter, dated September 13the, is signed by NSADirector Keith Alexander and Deputy Director John Inglis. It says, "some media outlets have sensationalized the leaks to the press in a way that has called into question our motives and wrongly cast doubt on the integrity and commitment of the extraordinary people that work here at the NSA/CSS — your loved ones. It has been discouraging to see how our agency frequently has been portrayed in the news as more of a rogue element than a national treasure." I’m wondering, your response to the — I mean, obviously, the allegations of sensationalized reporting allude to The Guardian as well as other press outlets.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, we obviously reject that. I think we have been very careful in our reporting, and actually, the intelligence chiefs, when they speak in private, have been graceful enough to acknowledge that we have been responsible. I can understand why you would write a letter like that. And we are not saying that the people who work inside the NSAare bad people. I imagine they have very talented engineers who are capable of doing extraordinary things. I think what we are saying that there has to be a wider debate because it’s not just about national security. There are other interests in society; privacy, civil liberties, of reporting which had to be weighed against security. And so, if you are write about this, you are not saying that the NSA is full of bad people. That would be silly. So, I perfectly understand that you write a letter to the families saying that much of what you do is good and important, which it is.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I’m wondering, since we mentioned earlier your involvement with the WikiLeaks scandal as well. Your sense of Julian Assange, he’s still in England, in basically, detention, effectively, and your sense of his role in terms of being able to bring out to the rest of the world these secrets that the U.S. Military and and the U.S. Government was preventing its own citizens from seeing?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, I think Assange had a very good and simple idea, which was about liberating material. In a sense, what we tried to do there is what we are doing here, which is to root our reporting on the American First Amendment. So, I mean, even in the U.K., a mature democracy, this reporting was impossible. And I think America should take pride in that, that you have this written constitution that encourages this kind of reporting. And I think if you thought how much we would welcome whistleblowers from Iran or China or Russia, if we could find out the kind of hinge that Assange imagined in which this material could be safely leaked and protected by the highest standards of free speech, that would be a good thing. It went a bit wrong with Assange, and he’s sort of out of action in the Ecuadorian Embassy in London.

AMY GOODMAN: Although, hardly out of action, because he did helped Edward Snowden ultimately get to Russia.

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: For better or worse, yes. But, he I think he has not been able to operate as effectively as he could have done. But. that does not mean the idea was wrong. I think the idea was a good one, and that is why I think, for me as an outsider, when I see Chelsea Manning given a 60 year sentence, you think, what kind of signal does that show whistleblowers? Because, whistle-blowing, as I say, if we had a whistle-blower inside the Iranian nuclear project, or inside the corruption in some parts of the Chinese Government, we would welcome that. And so, there are kind of universal standards and that’s what civil liberties is all about, that you have universal standards of human rights, and you have to be careful to observe those, and not to bend them, and start using terror legislation against journalism just when it affects you.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you think journalism is threatened?

ALAN RUSBRIDGER: Well, I think journalism is certainly by this kind of massive surveillance, yes, because it is impossible to have confidential sources in a world in which algorithms can immediately work out who you’ve been talking to. That’s a big threat.

AMY GOODMAN: Alan Rusbridger, I want to thank you very much for being with us; Editor in Chief of The Guardian for almost two decades. He has just published a book, "Play it Again: An Amateur Against the Impossible." He will be speaking on Wednesday evening at the New York public Library. That does it for our show. Breaking news from Egypt and Egyptian court has banned the Muslim Brotherhood group and ordered its assets confiscated.

Creative Commons LicenseThe original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work todemocracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.

Source:
http://www.democracynow.org/2013/9/23/spilling_the_nsas_secrets_guardian_editor
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Thursday, September 12, 2013

A Plea for Caution From Russia 

By VLADIMIR V. PUTIN
President of Russia
September 11, 2013

Recent events surrounding Syria have prompted me to speak directly to the American people and their political leaders. It is important to do so at a time of insufficient communication between our societies.

Relations between us have passed through different stages. We stood against each other during the cold war. But we were also allies once, and defeated the Nazis together. The universal international organization — the United Nations — was then established to prevent such devastation from ever happening again.

The United Nations’ founders understood that decisions affecting war and peace should happen only by consensus, and with America’s consent the veto by Security Council permanent members was enshrined in the United Nations Charter. The profound wisdom of this has underpinned the stability of international relations for decades.

No one wants the United Nations to suffer the fate of the League of Nations, which collapsed because it lacked real leverage. This is possible if influential countries bypass the United Nations and take military action without Security Council authorization.

The potential strike by the United States against Syria, despite strong opposition from many countries and major political and religious leaders, including the pope, will result in more innocent victims and escalation, potentially spreading the conflict far beyond Syria’s borders. A strike would increase violence and unleash a new wave of terrorism. It could undermine multilateral efforts to resolve the Iranian nuclear problem and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and further destabilize the Middle East and North Africa. It could throw the entire system of international law and order out of balance.

Syria is not witnessing a battle for democracy, but an armed conflict between government and opposition in a multireligious country. There are few champions of democracy in Syria. But there are more than enough al Qaeda fighters and extremists of all stripes battling the government. The United States State Department has designated Al Nusra Front and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, fighting with the opposition, as terrorist organizations. This internal conflict, fueled by foreign weapons supplied to the opposition, is one of the bloodiest in the world.

Mercenaries from Arab countries fighting there, and hundreds of militants from Western countries and even Russia, are an issue of our deep concern. Might they not return to our countries with experience acquired in Syria? After all, after fighting in Libya, extremists moved on to Mali. This threatens us all.

From the outset, Russia has advocated peaceful dialogue enabling Syrians to develop a compromise plan for their own future. We are not protecting the Syrian government, but international law. We need to use the United Nations Security Council and believe that preserving law and order in today’s complex and turbulent world is one of the few ways to keep international relations from sliding into chaos. The law is still the law, and we must follow it whether we like it or not. Under current international law, force is permitted only in self-defense or by the decision of the Security Council. Anything else is unacceptable under the United Nations Charter and would constitute an act of aggression.

No one doubts that poison gas was used in Syria. But there is every reason to believe it was used not by the Syrian Army, but by opposition forces, to provoke intervention by their powerful foreign patrons, who would be siding with the fundamentalists. Reports that militants are preparing another attack — this time against Israel — cannot be ignored.

It is alarming that military intervention in internal conflicts in foreign countries has become commonplace for the United States. Is it in America’s long-term interest? I doubt it. Millions around the world increasingly see America not as a model of democracy but as relying solely on brute force, cobbling coalitions together under the slogan “you’re either with us or against us.”

But force has proved ineffective and pointless. Afghanistan is reeling, and no one can say what will happen after international forces withdraw. Libya is divided into tribes and clans. In Iraq the civil war continues, with dozens killed each day. In the United States, many draw an analogy between Iraq and Syria, and ask why their government would want to repeat recent mistakes.

No matter how targeted the strikes or how sophisticated the weapons, civilian casualties are inevitable, including the elderly and children, whom the strikes are meant to protect.

The world reacts by asking: if you cannot count on international law, then you must find other ways to ensure your security. Thus a growing number of countries seek to acquire weapons of mass destruction. This is logical: if you have the bomb, no one will touch you. We are left with talk of the need to strengthen nonproliferation, when in reality this is being eroded.

We must stop using the language of force and return to the path of civilized diplomatic and political settlement.

A new opportunity to avoid military action has emerged in the past few days. The United States, Russia and all members of the international community must take advantage of the Syrian government’s willingness to place its chemical arsenal under international control for subsequent destruction. Judging by the statements of President Obama, the United States sees this as an alternative to military action.

I welcome the president’s interest in continuing the dialogue with Russia on Syria. We must work together to keep this hope alive, as we agreed to at the Group of 8 meeting in Lough Erne in Northern Ireland in June, and steer the discussion back toward negotiations.

If we can avoid force against Syria, this will improve the atmosphere in international affairs and strengthen mutual trust. It will be our shared success and open the door to cooperation on other critical issues.

My working and personal relationship with President Obama is marked by growing trust. I appreciate this. I carefully studied his address to the nation on Tuesday. And I would rather disagree with a case he made on American exceptionalism, stating that the United States’ policy is “what makes America different. It’s what makes us exceptional.

It is extremely dangerous to encourage people to see themselves as exceptional, whatever the motivation.

There are big countries and small countries, rich and poor, those with long democratic traditions and those still finding their way to democracy. Their policies differ, too. We are all different, but when we ask for the Lord’s blessings, we must not forget that God created us equal.

Vladimir V. Putin is the president of Russia.

Source:
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/12/opinion/putin-plea-for-caution-from-russia-on-syria.html
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Monday, September 02, 2013

President Obama has not spelled out the possible consequences of a military attack on Syria, but U.S. military leaders are warning about the risks.

The Disastrous Consequences of a U.S. Military Attack on Syria 

By Ann Wright 
AlterNet 
Sept. 2, 2013
[emphasis added]

 
 
Its 4am and I can’t sleep, just like 10 years ago when President Bush was telling the world that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and the United States must invade and occupy Iraq to rid humanity of these weapons. I didn’t believe President Bush ten years ago and I resigned as a U.S. diplomat.
Now a decade later, President Obama is telling the world that the use of chemical weapons in Syria by the Assad government must be answered by other weapons, even though the results of the UN inspection team have not been compiled—just as the Bush administration refused to wait for the UN report by the inspectors who had been looking for WMD in Iraq.
Secretary of State John Kerry pronounced that the UN inspectors “can’t tell us anything that we don’t already know.” President Obama says that any U.S. attack on the Assad government will be as punishment, not regime change. The strike will be “limited”—but tell that to the civilians who inevitably die when military attacks take place.
President Bush and his advisors either didn’t know or didn’t care about the probable consequences of their decision to invade and occupy Iraq:
  • Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis and over 4,000 Americans dead;
  • Millions of Iraqis and Americans wounded physically and psychologically;
  • Legions of young men of the region now experienced in warfare and for hire moving from Iraq to Libya to Syria;
  • And the Iraqi “democratic” government unable to control the whirlwind of sectarian violence that now is killing hundreds each week.
 (Although the U.S. invaded and occupied Afghanistan under a different rationale, I also want to acknowledge the Afghan citizens who have been killed or wounded in the U.S. war in Afghanistan.)
President Obama has not spelled out the possible consequences of a military attack on Syria, but U.S. military leaders are warning about the risks. In a letter to the Senate Armed Services committee, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey wrote last month said, “As we weigh our options, we should be able to conclude with some confidence that use of force will move us toward the intended outcome.Once we take action, we should be prepared for what comes next. Deeper involvement is hard to avoid.”
General James Mattis, who retired recently as head of the U.S. Central Command, said last month at a security conference that the United States has no moral obligation to do the impossible” in Syria. “If Americans take ownership of this, this is going to be a full-throated, very, very serious war.” 
Possible Consequences of A U.S. Military Attack on Syria
As U.S. warships gather off the shores of Lebanon to launch Tomahawk Cruise missiles at targets in Syria, we can make some educated guesses of what the “unintended consequences” could be:
  • Syrian anti-aircraft batteries will fire their rockets at incoming U.S. missiles.
  • Many Syrians on the ground will die and both the U.S. and Syrian governments will say the deaths are the fault of the other.
  • The U.S. Embassy in Damascus will be attacked and burned, as may other U.S. Embassies and businesses in the Middle East.
  • Syria might also launch rockets toward the U.S. ally in the region—Israel.
  • Israel would launch bombing missions on Syria as it has three times in the past two years and perhaps take the opportunity to launch an attack on Syria’s strongest ally in the region Iran.
  • Iran, a country with a population of 80 million and has the largest military in the region untouched by war in the past 25 years, might retaliate with missiles aimed toward Israel and toward nearby U.S. military bases in Afghanistan, Turkey, Bahrain and Qatar.
  • Iran could block the Straits of Hormuz and impede the transport of oil out of the Persian Gulf.
30 Years Ago, U.S. Warships Bombed Lebanon and the U.S. Marine Barracks in Beirut Was Blown Up in Retaliation
At this time of crisis, it is worth remembering another time, 30 years ago in October, 1983 when U.S. warships bombarded Lebanon, the country located next to Syria. Within weeks, the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut was blown up by a massive truck bomb that killed 241 American servicemen: 220 Marines, 18 sailors and three soldiers. 
The truck driver- suicide bomber was an Iranian national named Ismail Ascari whose truck contained explosives that were the equivalent of 21,000 pounds of TNT. Two minutes later a second suicide bomber drove a truck filled with explosives into the French military compound in Beirut killing 58 French paratroopers. 
France is the only country standing with the Obama administration on a military strike on Syria.
Earlier in the year, on April 18, 1983, the U.S. Embassy in Beirut had been blown up by another suicide driver with 900 pounds of explosives that killed 63 people, 17 Americans, mostly embassy and CIA staff members, several soldiers and one Marine, 34 Lebanese employees of the US Embassy and 12 Embassy visitors. It was the deadliest attack on a U.S. diplomatic mission up to that time, and marked the beginning of anti-U.S. attacks by Islamist groups.
The U.S. and French military were in Lebanon as a part of a Multi-National force after the PLO left Lebanon following the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon ostensibly to create a 40 km buffer zone between the PLO and Syrian forces in Lebanon and Israel. The Israeli invasion was tacitly approved by the U.S., and the U.S. provided overt military support to Israel in the form of arms and material.
Colonel Timothy J. Geraghty, the commander of the U.S. 24th Marine Amphibious Unit (MAU) deployed as peacekeepers in Beirut, said that the American and the French headquarters were targeted primarily because of "who we were and what we represented…It is noteworthy that the United States provided direct naval gunfire support [which fired a total of 360 5-inch rounds between 10:04 A.M. and 3:00 PM.] -- which I strongly opposed for a week -- to the Lebanese Army at a mountain village called Suq-al-Garb on September 19 and that the French conducted an air strike on September 23 in the Bekaa Valley. American support removed any lingering doubts of our neutrality, and I stated to my staff at the time that we were going to pay in blood for this decision.” 
Some of the circumstances around the incidents in Lebanon in 1983 and now thirty years later in Syria are familiar. 
U.S. intelligence agencies were aware of potential trouble but did not report the problems in sufficient time for actions to be taken. President Obama said that the U.S. had intercepted signals indicating the Syrian government was moving equipment into place for an attack, but the U.S. did not warn the Syrian government that the U.S. knew what was happening and did not warn civilians that a chemical attack was imminent.
Thirty years before, on September 26, 1983, "the National Security Agency (NSA) intercepted an Iranian diplomatic communications message from the Iranian intelligence agency, the Ministry of Information and Security (MOIS)," to its ambassador, Ali Akbar Mohtashemi, in Damascus.  
The message directed the ambassador to "take spectacular action against the American Marines.” The intercepted message, dated September 26, was not passed to the Marines until a month later on October 26: three days after the bombing. 
Geraghty wrote 20 years later, “ The coordinated dual suicide attacks, supported, planned, organized, and financed by Iran and Syria using Shiite proxies, achieved their strategic goal: the withdrawal of the multinational force from Lebanon and a dramatic change in U.S. national policy. The synchronized attacks that morning killed 299 U.S. and French peace keepers and wounded scores more. The cost to the Iranian/Syrian-supported operation was two suicide bombers dead.
What is the political end state we’re trying to achieve?” said a retired senior officer involved in Middle East operational planning who said his concerns are widely shared by active-duty military leaders. 
“I don’t know what it is. We say it’s not regime change. If it’s punishment, there are other ways to punish.” The former senior officer said that those who are expressing alarm at the risks inherent in the plan “are not being heard other than in a pro-forma manner.”
Letter from former U.S. government officials appealing to Chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Dempsey not to obey an illegal order to attack Syria
As Obama administration lawyers in the Justice and State Departments frantically write classified legal opinions to provide legal protection for whatever action the President decides on, others are calling for military officers to look to their constitutional responsibilities.
On August 31, 2013, 13 former officials of the U.S. government, including Pentagon Papers whistleblower Dan Ellsberg, retired CIA analyst Ray McGovern and retired US Army Colonel Larry Wilkerson, former Chief of Staff for Secretary of State Colin Powell, wrote an open letter to General Martin Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, asking him to resign rather than follow an illegal order to attack Syria.
“We refer to your acknowledgment, in your letter of July 19 to Sen. Carl Levin on Syria, that a “decision to use force is not one that any of us takes lightly. It is no less than an act of war.”  It appears that the President may order such an act of war without proper Congressional authorization. As seasoned intelligence and military professionals solemnly sworn to support and defend the Constitution of the United States, we have long been aware that – from private to general – it is one’s duty not to obey an illegal order. If such were given, the honorable thing would be to resign, rather than be complicit.”

Ann Wright served in the US Army/Army Reserves for 29 years and retired as a Colonel.  She also was a US diplomat for 16 years and resigned in March, 2003 in opposition to the war on Iraq.  She has been arrested for challenging Bush and Obama administrations’ policies of illegal wars, torture, assassin drones and curtailment of civil liberties. She was a witness for the defendants in the Oak Ridge Transform Now Plowshares trial. She is the co-author of  the book “Dissent: Voices of Conscience.”

Source:
http://www.alternet.org/world/exploring-disastrous-consequences-us-military-attack-syria
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Sunday, September 01, 2013

British bases in Cyprus being used for military action against Syria

Cyprus Buildup May Point To Attack On Syria

By Eric Linton
International Business Times
August 26, 2013

Warplanes and military transports have begun arriving at Britain's Akrotiri airbase on Cyprus, less than 100 miles from the Syrian coast, in a sign of hastening preparations for a possible military strike against Syria, The Guardian reported Monday.

Two commercial pilots who regularly fly from Larnaca, Cyprus, told the Guardian that they had seen C-130 transport planes from their cockpit windows as well as small formations of fighter jets on their radar screens, which they believe had flown from Europe.

The Greek Cypriot government in Nicosia said Monday it had no official information about the possibility of British bases in Cyprus being used for military action against Syria in response to alleged poison gas attacks by President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, China’s official Xinhua agency reported.

"The government has neither been officially advised nor has any other information about the prospect of the British bases on Cyprus being used by Britain and the United States," Defense Minister Fotis Fotiou said.

The London Sunday Times and the Daily Telegraph have reported that British and American military officials were working on plans to use the British Royal Air Force base at Akrotiri, near Limassol on the south shores of Cyprus, for attacks on selected Syrian government targets.

Britain retained two sites in Cyprus totaling 156 square kilometers when it granted the island independence in 1960 following a colonial war. Britain claims sovereign rights over the bases.

The Cypriot government objects, as a matter of general policy, to the British bases being used against neighboring countries, but Britain claims that such use complies with international treaties that allow military action which serves its defense interests.

The most important of these bases is the RAF base at Akrotiri, which is currently used to provide logistic support for NATO forces in Afghanistan and also hosts extensive eavesdropping electronic installations. It was most recently used by British Tornados taking off for action against Moammar Gadhafi's forces in Libya in 2011.

Meanwhile, Russia said Monday it hoped a "war of civilizations" in Syria could be avoided, although Western powers had been moving along that path.

"I was greatly alarmed by the statements made from Paris and London that NATO may intervene to destroy chemical weapons in Syria without the consent of the U.N. Security Council. It's a very dangerous and slippery path," Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov told reporters in Moscow.

He said the use of force without the Security Council's sanction would be a major violation of international law.

"Even if we leave the legal, moral and ethical aspects aside, specific consequences of external interference not authorized by the international community would only sharply exacerbate the situation in the country," Lavrov said.

Meanwhile, Russia would not start military confrontation with anyone over Syria, he added.

"We expect our Western partners to draft their policy not reactively but strategically," he said.

Lavrov described the deployment of Western naval vessels off Syrian shores as "a grave blunder" and compared the Western intimidation of Syria with the way the West started its intervention in Iraq 10 years ago.

Lavrov said foreign intervention would not lead to peace but to a new round of the civil war in Syria and he accused "certain forces" of deliberately undermining peaceful efforts.

"The moment we see a glimmer of hope appear, someone who wishes to prevent the situation from returning to the right track pops up," he said.

Source:
http://www.ibtimes.com/cyprus-buildup-may-point-attack-syria-1400013 _________________________

The top 5 reasons why we keep getting into foolish fights.

Is America Addicted to War?

By Stephen M Walt
Foreign Policy
April 4, 2011
[emphasis added]

The United States started out as 13 small and vulnerable colonies clinging to the east coast of North America. Over the next century, those original 13 states expanded all the way across the continent, subjugating or exterminating the native population and wresting Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and California from Mexico. It fought a bitter civil war, acquired a modest set of overseas colonies, and came late to both world wars. 

But since becoming a great power around 1900, it has fought nearly a dozen genuine wars and engaged in countless military interventions.

Yet Americans think of themselves as a peace-loving people, and we certainly don't regard our country as a "warrior nation" or "garrison state."

Teddy Roosevelt was probably the last U.S. president who seemed to view war as an activity to be welcomed (he once remarked that "A just war is in the long run far better for a man's soul than the most prosperous peace"), and subsequent presidents always portray themselves as going to war with great reluctance, and only as a last resort.

In 2008, Americans elected Barack Obama in part because they thought he would be different from his predecessor on a host of issues, but especially in his approach to the use of armed force. It was clear to nearly everyone that George W. Bush had launched a foolish and unnecessary war in Iraq, and then compounded the error by mismanaging it (and the war in Afghanistan too).

So Americans chose a candidate who had opposed Bush's war in Iraq and could bring U.S. commitments back in line with our resources.

Above all, Americans thought Obama would be a lot more thoughtful about where and how to use force, and that he understood the limits of this crudest of policy tools. The Norwegian Nobel Committee seems to have thought so too, when they awarded him the Nobel Peace Prize not for anything he had done, but for what it hoped he might do henceforth.

Yet a mere two years later, we find ourselves back in the fray once again. (In 2013 now Syria) Since taking office, Obama has escalated U.S. involvement in Afghanistan and launched a new war against Libya. As in Iraq, the real purpose of our intervention is regime change at the point of a gun.

At first we hoped that most of the guns would be in the hands of the Europeans, or the hands of the rebel forces arrayed against Muammar al-Qaddafi, but it's increasingly clear that U.S. military forces, CIA operatives and foreign weapons supplies are going to be necessary to finish the job.

Moreover, as Alan Kuperman of the University of Texas and Steve Chapman of the Chicago Tribune have now shown, the claim that the United States had to act to prevent Libyan tyrant Muammar al-Qaddafi from slaughtering tens of thousands of innocent civilians in Benghazi does not stand up to even casual scrutiny.

Although everyone recognizes that Qaddafi is a brutal ruler, his forces did not conduct deliberate, large-scale massacres in any of the cities he has recaptured, and his violent threats to wreak vengeance on Benghazi were directed at those who continued to resist his rule, not at innocent bystanders. There is no question that Qaddafi is a tyrant with few (if any) redemptive qualities, but the threat of a bloodbath that would "[stain] the conscience of the world" (as Obama put it) was slight.

It remains to be seen whether this latest lurch into war will pay off or not, and whether the United States and its allies will have saved lives or squandered them. But the real question we should be asking is: Why does this keep happening? Why do such different presidents keep doing such similar things?

How can an electorate that seemed sick of war in 2008 watch passively while one war escalates in 2009 and another one gets launched in 2011? How can two political parties that are locked in a nasty partisan fight over every nickel in the government budget sit blithely by and watch a president start running up a $100 million per day tab in this latest adventure? What is going on here?
Here are my Top 5 Reasons Why America Keeps Fighting Foolish Wars:

1. Because We Can

The most obvious reason that the United States keeps doing these things is the fact that it has a remarkably powerful military, especially when facing a minor power like Libya. As I wrote a couple of weeks ago, when you've got hundreds of planes, smart bombs, and cruise missiles, the whole world looks like a target set. So when some thorny problem arises somewhere in the world, it's hard to resist the temptation to "do something!"

It is as if the president has big red button on his desk, and then his aides come in and say, "There's something really nasty happening to some unfortunate people, Mr. President, but if you push that button, you can stop it. It might cost a few hundred million dollars, maybe even a few billion by the time we are done, but we can always float a bit more debt. As long as you don't send in ground troops, the public will probably go along, at least for awhile and there's no danger that anybody will retaliate against us -- at least not anytime soon -- because the bad guys (who are really nasty, by the way) are also very weak. Our vital interests aren't at stake, sir, so you don't have to do anything. But if you don't push the button lots of innocent people will die. The choice is yours, Mr. President."

It would take a very tough and resolute president -- or one with a clear set of national priorities and a deep understanding of the uncertainties of warfare -- to resist that siren song. (we don't have one)

Of course, like his predecessors, Obama justifies his resort to force by invoking America's special place in the world. In the usual rhetoric of "American exceptionalism," he couched it in terms of U.S. values, its commitment to freedom, etc. 

But the truly exceptional thing about America today is not our values (and certainly not our dazzling infrastructure, high educational standards, rising middle-class prosperity, etc.); it is the concentration of military power in the hands of the president and the eroding political constraints on its employment. (For an elegant skewering of the "American exceptionalism" argument, see Andrew Sullivan here).

2. The U.S. Has No Serious Enemies

A second factor that permits the United States to keep waging these optional wars is the fact that the end of the Cold War left the United States in a remarkably safe position. There are no great powers in the Western hemisphere; we have no "peer competitors" anywhere (though China may become one sooner if we keep squandering our power foolishly); and there is no country anywhere that could entertain the idea of attacking America without inviting its own destruction.

We do face a vexing terrorism problem, but that danger is probably exaggerated, is partly a reaction to our tendency to meddle in other countries, and is best managed in other ways.

It's really quite ironic: Because the American homeland is safe from serious external dangers (which is a good thing), Americans have the luxury of going abroad "in search of monsters to destroy" (which is not). If Americans were really worried about having to defend our own soil against a powerful adversary, we wouldn't be wasting time and money on feel-good projects like the Libyan crusade. But our exceptionally favorable geopolitical position allows us to do these things, even when they don't make a lot of strategic sense.

3. The All-Volunteer Force

A third enabling factor behind our addiction to adventurism is the all-volunteer force. By limiting military service only to those individuals who volunteer to do it, public opposition to wars of choice is more easily contained. Could Bush or Obama have kept the Iraq and Afghanistan wars going if most young Americans had to register for a draft, and if the sons and daughters of Wall Street bankers were being sent in harm's way because they got an unlucky number in the draft? I very much doubt it.

By the way, I am not saying that the AVF is a bad idea that should be chucked, as there are a number of good arguments in its favor. Nonetheless, the AVF is one of those features of the contemporary U.S. national security order that makes the frequent resort to force politically feasible.

4. It's the Establishment, Stupid

A fourth reason we keep meddling all over the world is the fact that the foreign-policy establishment is hard-wired in favor of "doing something." Foreign-policy thinking in Washington is dominated either by neoconservatives (who openly proclaim the need to export "liberty" and never met a war they didn't like) or by "liberal interventionists" who are just as enthusiastic about using military power to solve problems, provided they can engineer some sort of multilateral cover for it. 

Liberal interventionists sometimes concede that the United States can't solve every problem (at least not at the same time), but they still think that the United States is the "indispensable" nation and they want us to solve as many of the world's problems as we possibly can.

These worldviews are developed, promulgated, and defended by a network of think tanks, committees, public policy schools, and government agencies that don't always agree on what should be done (or which problems deserve most priority) but that are all committed to using U.S. power a lot.

In short, our foreign policy is shaped by a bipartisan class of foreign policy do-gooders who spend years out of power maneuvering to get in, and spend their time in office trying to advance whatever their own pet project(s) might be. Having scratched and clawed to get themselves on the inside, the people who run our foreign policy are not likely to counsel restraint, or to suggest that the United States and the rest of the world might be better off if Washington did a bit less. After all, what's the point of being a big shot in Washington if you can't use all that power to try to mold the world to your liking?

Compared with most Americans, this is a wealthy, privileged, highly educated group of people and most of them are personally insulated from the consequences of the policies they advocate (i.e., with a few exceptions, their kids don't serve in the military -- see No. 3). Advocates of intervention are unlikely to suffer severe financial reverses or face long-term career penalties if some foreign war goes badly; they'll just go back to the same think-tank sinecures when their term of service is over.

By the way, lurking underneath the Establishment consensus on foreign-policy activism is the most successful Jedi mind trick that the American right ever pulled. Since the mid-1960s, American conservatism has waged a relentless and successful campaign to convince U.S. voters that it is wasteful, foolish, and stupid to pay taxes to support domestic programs here at home, but it is our patriotic duty to pay taxes to support a military establishment that costs more than all other militaries put together and that is used not to defend American soil but to fight wars mostly on behalf of other people. 

In other words, Americans became convinced that it was wrong to spend tax revenues on things that would help their fellow citizens (like good schools, health care, roads, and bridges, high-speed rail, etc.), but it was perfectly OK to tax Americans (though of course not the richest Americans) and spend the money on foreign wars.

And we bought it. Moreover, there doesn't seem to be an effective mechanism to force the president to actually face and confront the trade-offs between the money he spends on optional wars and the domestic programs that eventually have to be cut back home. Which brings me to No. 5.

5. Congress Has Checked Out


The authority to declare war is given to Congress, not the president, but that authority has been steadily usurped ever since World War II. 

Although the Constitution could not be clearer on this point, modern presidents clearly feel no constraints about ordering U.S. forces to attack other countries, or even to fully inform Congress as to what we might be doing in secret.

In practice, therefore, the vaunted system of "checks and balances" supposedly enshrined in our Constitution simply doesn't operate anymore, which means that the use of America's military power has been left solely to the presidents and a handful of ambitious advisors (see No. 4 above). This is not to say that public opinion doesn't figure into their calculations (i.e., they've got pollsters and political advisors too), but it is hardly a binding constraint.

I've no doubt that one could add more items to this list (e.g., the passive press, the military-industrial complex, etc.), but the items already noted go a long way to explaining why the supposedly peace-loving United States keeps finding itself in all these small but draining wars.

Back in the 2008 campaign, Barack Obama said that his favorite movie was The Godfather. And if I recall correctly, he said his second favorite movie was The Godfather, Part II. But his presidency is starting to play out like Part III of that famed trilogy, where Michael Corleone rails against the fates that have foiled his attempt to make the Corleone family legit.

I can just hear Obama saying it: "Just when I thought I was out … they pull me back in." Precisely.

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Source:
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/04/04/is_america_addicted_to_war?page=full
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